Posted By Kori Schake Share

The White House has opened a new front in the Afghan war - or, rather, in their effort to shed the burden of the Afghan war. The Washington Post reports that cost will be a new and major element for consideration. The $113 billion spent this year for Afghanistan is described as unsustainable; the article concludes, "To many of the president's civilian advisers, that price is too high."  

This is preposterous from an administration that budgets a tripling of our national debt by 2018. President Obama has twice submitted budgets that never eliminate deficit spending, yet now claims it cannot sustain the $107 billion to fight a war the president described as "no idle danger; no hypothetical threat," but a vital national security interest to our country. The Obama White House is trying to seize on conservative momentum to reduce federal spending by cutting the only government program they don't support: winning the war.  

The civilian advisers quoted in the article cite the success of counter-terror raids like that which killed Osama bin Laden as the more cost-effective strategy. This approach ignores the negative consequences of operating punitively. Pakistan's outrage at the raid is justifiable, as is President Karzai's concern about raids on Afghan homes -- these are leaders accountable to their publics and they're barely able to justify their current cooperation with us. How would the administration retain those governments as partners if we do not invest in positive operations like strengthening their security forces? How would our counter-terrorism teams get the information necessary to those raids without the help of local security forces and people? Are we willing to tolerate the higher risk of failure associated with the counter-terror approach? Does it not drive up the cost of U.S. operations everywhere if all fragile countries see of us is our military strikes? How will that affect the United States' image in the world?

The American military is not culturally predisposed to nation building. They undertake it because it creates the highest likelihood of achieving our military objectives. What the White House is attempting to do is paint that approach as profligate, contrasting it to the cost-effectiveness of a narrower counter-terror approach. They ought to ask themselves why none of our military leadership is supporting the approach.

This feels like one more example of President Obama leading from behind. He has made little effort to build public support for the war -- he didn't even make a statement on the House debate over withdrawing from Afghanistan. By floating a cost-based objection to his own strategy, the president sets himself up to "respond to pressure" and constrain our effort in Afghanistan. This is terrible leadership on a crucial national security issue.

Responsible people can advocate different approaches to defending ourselves against the terrorist threat emanating from Afghanistan and Pakistan. They can also advocate further cuts to defense spending. But it is dangerous to argue the cost of prosecuting a war that, while high, is marginal to our expenditures and by no means the driver of our debt, cannot be afforded.

MASSOUD HOSSAINI/AFP/Getty Images

EXPLORE:AFGHANISTAN
 

WOLFBOY

10:31 PM ET

May 31, 2011

Can anything Kori Schake says be relied upon?

I don't know how you determine, Dr. Schake, that the Obama budget would lead to "a tripling of our national debt by 2018."

The CBO's analysis (http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/121xx/doc12103/2011-03-18-APB-PreliminaryReport.pdf) certainly does not show this. Rather, it shows a near doubling of the debt held by the public (FY2018 estimate relative to FY 2010 actual, coinciding with a near 50% increase in GDP). Intergovernmental debt also will continue to accumulate, modestly, but the baseline here is much larger -- precluding any tripling. To be sure this is a large increase in debt, but it is simply not anything like a "tripling." For those of us who believe words still have meaning, Dr. Schake, please consider using and including references for key claims in future posts.

And why should it be "preposterous" to propose Afghanistan spending reductions -- among others -- in the midst of such large deficits? If only those who can produce a balanced budget have standing to propose Afghanistan cuts, then that rules out just about everybody in Washington except the Congressional Progressive Caucus, whose budget proposal (http://grijalva.house.gov/uploads/CPC.Budget.112th.Memo.pdf) achieves balance in 10 years in large part through significant DoD cuts.

 

MARTY MARTEL

1:22 AM ET

June 1, 2011

Justifications are being built up to get out

Clearly on the que from State and Defense Department, foreign policy wonks like Paul Miller/Kori Schake have started to build up justifications for U. S. troops to get out of Afghanistan.

As far the US is concerned, the war on terror is over after the death of Osama bin Laden; feeble clarifications by the State Department, that the larger war on Al Qaeda shall continue, are inconsequential.

Pakistan knows that by skillfully holding out till now, it is close to getting its proxy regime in place in Kabul. If it is able to sell the idea of an Islamabad-friendly Government as being of strategic utility to Washington, there’s no reason why the Americans should object to that. Pakistani and American interests, both short-term and medium-term, converge at this point; a broke America cannot afford to look at long-term interests, not at this moment.

And thereby hangs a tale — of Pakistani and American perfidy. The US has been, and shall remain, mindful of the “paranoia of Pakistan”; Islamabad’s sensitivities, its faux victimhood, will always take precedence over Afghanistan’s concerns in Washington.

Obama administration will reach an illusion of PEACE deal with Pakistan-controlled Afghan Taliban to begin its drawdown and finally exit the theater of a war it is desperate not to be seen as having lost, not so much to the Taliban and Al Qaeda as to the wily Generals of Rawalpindi who have proved to be smarter than the Americans.

VIETNAM-STYLE PEACE FAÇADE IS COMING!

 

AARONDIPITY

3:51 AM ET

June 1, 2011

Budget 2012

This all comes in the context of the Republican's proposed 2012 budget, where it basically states that the only foreign policy we can afford is the military action in Afghanistan and Iraq, All other operations and assistance face 30 to 40 percent cuts with the Ryan budget House Republicans are almost unanimously on record as supporting -- this includes the emerging democracies in the middle east, unless the Obama administration would rather cut entirely assistance (and maybe embassies, why not?) in other parts of the world.

With such budgetary handcuffs, it's not a huge surprise the Afghanistan and Iraq numbers are coming under question -- how cost effective is a dollar spent there versus in Egypt or Tunisia now? This is a very legitimate question.

I know foreign policy and foreign assistance are easy whipping boys, but where is the Shadow Government when such policies are established? Is there really no influential bi-partison group of foreign policy experts who can come forward and say that such cuts are penny-wise and pound foolish, similar to the foreign operations and assistance cuts in the 90s which had real negative consequences we now see and feel?

And one last point in the budget. Transfer payments and other automatic spending due to the 2008 economic crisis and huge rise in unemployment total 7 percent of the 2011 budget, dwarfing any increases in other non-entitlement, non-military spending. It's disingenuous to use the 2008 budget as a basis for the 2012 budget without noting this increase, unless you propose to eliminate unemployment assistance and food stamps that resulted from the 2008 recession.

 

AARONDIPITY

3:51 AM ET

June 1, 2011

Budget 2012

This all comes in the context of the Republican's proposed 2012 budget, where it basically states that the only foreign policy we can afford is the military action in Afghanistan and Iraq, All other operations and assistance face 30 to 40 percent cuts with the Ryan budget House Republicans are almost unanimously on record as supporting -- this includes the emerging democracies in the middle east, unless the Obama administration would rather cut entirely assistance (and maybe embassies, why not?) in other parts of the world.

With such budgetary handcuffs, it's not a huge surprise the Afghanistan and Iraq numbers are coming under question -- how cost effective is a dollar spent there versus in Egypt or Tunisia now? This is a very legitimate question.

I know foreign policy and foreign assistance are easy whipping boys, but where is the Shadow Government when such policies are established? Is there really no influential bi-partison group of foreign policy experts who can come forward and say that such cuts are penny-wise and pound foolish, similar to the foreign operations and assistance cuts in the 90s which had real negative consequences we now see and feel?

And one last point in the budget. Transfer payments and other automatic spending due to the 2008 economic crisis and huge rise in unemployment total 7 percent of the 2011 budget, dwarfing any increases in other non-entitlement, non-military spending. It's disingenuous to use the 2008 budget as a basis for the 2012 budget without noting this increase, unless you propose to eliminate unemployment assistance and food stamps that resulted from the 2008 recession.

 

EWAZZY36

5:22 PM ET

June 1, 2011

No More Money for Afghanistan

President Obama is right to cut back on funds for that country, corruption and all. In the first place, no US troops should be there, maybe a few to protect American contractors that build infra structure, schools, and hospitals. This was the original intent, but soldiers do not construct anything, only destroy and kill. Afghanistan needs to be brought into the 21st century. No one ever won militarily against the Afghans.

 

Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.

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