If the full feature lives up to the trailer, Bob Woodward's book about how President Obama has handled the commander-in-chief duties is a very damning indictment of the first two years. Reportedly, the Obama White House fully cooperated with Woodward in the hopes of securing more favorable treatment. But instead of enjoying a valentine, it seems they are better considered victims of a vendetta.

Some caveats are in order. When I finally get the chance to the read the full book, perhaps some of the more damaging quotes and anecdotes will seem less problematic in context. And as Woodward's books on the Bush presidency show, sometimes the author's argument overtakes the evidence -- a problem that gets "fixed" in later installments. Thus, Woodward's argument about a Bush White House in a "State of Denial," is rather thoroughly eviscerated by the reporting Woodward does in his sequel, The War Within. But in my experience, Woodward's accounts are generally very well sourced and reliable in what they cover (the problems are usually in what they leave uncovered).  

To me, the account reads like a Greek tragedy, with the protagonists committing the very errors that hubris foreshadowed. In fact, if you want to compile a list of the debilities of the Obama administration that Woodward uncovers, just draw up a list of the Obama campaign's favorite attack lines against the Bush administration. Thus we find:

  • A president "misleading" the American public. He campaigned on the claim that Afghanistan is a war of necessity that was under-resourced because President Bush ignored military advice, but he privately was forcing his national security team to embrace arbitrary resource and time constraints and to rush to a minimum footprint, and in doing so running roughshod over his military advisors.
  • Feuding advisors arguing as much over personality as over policy. The clashes between Rumsfeld, Powell, Cheney, and Rice in the first Bush term were legendary and, according to the beltway wisdom that fueled the Obama campaign, resulted in egregious strategic missteps. Woodward documents feuds every bit as personal and petty, indeed with more colorful quotes: a team comprised of "waterbugs," "Politburo," "mafia," and "the most egotistical bastard [VP Biden has] ever met." And, more ominously, the turf fights and mistrust seem to crisscross the civil-military divide as well as the official hierarchy, with Cabinet principals dissing deputies (look for the revenge of the deputies in later installments).
  • National security policy dictated more by partisan interests than by the national interest. Thus Woodward reports Obama imposing an artificial timeline on the Afghan surge because the President is adamant that "...I can't lose the whole Democratic party."
  • The White House political team front and center in national security policy. Given how virulent Democrats attacked Karl Rove for eight years, it is striking how prominent his Obama counterpart, David Axelrod, is in all of the proceedings. Axelrod, not a national security policy lead, is responsible for managing the Woodward relationship even though the author's focus was clearly on the wars. And Axelrod's role in setting Afghan war strategy is so divisive it leads General Petraeus to dismiss him as "the complete spin doctor." Indeed, in perhaps the most surprising anecdote, the uber-cautious Petraeus is reported to say, over a glass of wine, that the Obama administration was "[expletive] with the wrong guy."
  • A White House discounting inconvenient intelligence warnings about terrorist attacks planned against the United States. In one of the most damning anecdotes from the previews, "Mr. Blair warned the president that radicals with American and European passports were being trained in Pakistan to attack their homelands. Mr. Emanuel afterward chastised him, saying, "You're just trying to put this on us so it's not your fault." Mr. Blair also skirmished with Mr. Brennan about a report on the failed airliner terrorist attack on Dec. 25. Mr. Obama later forced Mr. Blair out."
  • A White House ignoring a war where U.S. troops are engaged. Obama campaigned against the Bush administration's "inattention" to the Afghan War, but Woodward appears to document an even more profound disregard for the ongoing war in Iraq.
  • A fundamental naiveté about military operations. Thus one finds a commander-in-chief willing to authorize a surge of combat troops but unwilling ("I am done doing this") to authorize the requisite enabling troops that make those combat troops effective. Or a commander-in-chief refusing ("Why do we keep having these meetings?") to revisit, review, and revise earlier decisions as the enemy reacts and as the situation on the ground develops.

Now in every case the Obama campaign's critique of Bush was tendentious, resting as much on myth as on reality. Perhaps with time we will come to a similar judgment about Woodward's account, which appears to have the Obama team committing the very sins of omission and commission that fueled their own earlier partisan attacks. But the pattern with Woodward's Bush books is an ominous harbinger: the initial books were the most flattering and they got progressively more damning until the last one, which provided a very small measure of rehabilitation. If that pattern holds with the Obama team, the Woodward saga will be an epic Greek tragedy.

Update: Let's make that: "Now in almost every case the Obama campaign's critique of Bush was tendentious, resting as much on myth as on reality." I certainly do not think the Bush administration did everything right and that every criticism is completely without foundation. For instance, by all accounts, there really did seem to be debilitating personality conflicts that made policy debates less functional than they otherwise might have been -- especially in the first term, but not limited to then. For precisely this reason, I take seriously the charges here of similar debilitating feuds in the Obama administration. President Obama did to, as his stern message to his team upon the dismissal of General McChrystal made clear. Perhaps things have improved markedly since then and the Woodward book is overtaken by events. We will know pretty soon if that is the case."

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

 

WOLFBOY

5:53 PM ET

September 22, 2010

MIsleading

Can't blame you, Dr. Feaver, for trying create some sense of equivalence between Bush's misleading statements in the lead-up to war and Obama's position on Afghanistan.

You write that Obama "campaigned on the claim that Afghanistan is a war of necessity that was under-resourced because President Bush ignored military advice." It seems to me that we should all be able to stipulate to all aspects of this claim by now.

And the actions Obama took once he assumed the presidency? He announced the assignment of three more brigades to Afghanisan in his first month in office, with additional troop increases expected pending a review. I don't believe Obama ever campaigned on an open-ended military commitment.

If Dr. Feaver can identify a real instance of misleading comparable to Bush's statement of March 8, 2003, that " We are doing everything we can to avoid war in Iraq," he should spell it out rather than making unsupported suggestions.

 

ZATHRAS

7:46 PM ET

September 22, 2010

The Record

Asleep at the wheel on terrorism before 9/11. Invading Afghanistan after 9/11, and within months neglecting that war to focus on Iraq. Mismanaging the invasion of Iraq, the occupation of Iraq, and the fight against insurgency in Iraq. Staining the honor of the United States by sanctioning torture and mistreatment of detainees, in Cuba, Afghanistan and Iraq. Continuing to neglect the war in Afghanistan for years, before handing off a rapidly deteriorating situation there to his successor. Diddling ineffectually while a major American city was devastated by an ordinary natural disaster. Letting whole federal agencies -- FEMA, Interior, Justice, the SEC, the MMS -- grow inattentive to their responsibilities, if not openly corrupt. Entering office to preside over a government with a budget surplus and a country with a 5% unemployment rate, and leaving with gigantic deficits, the financial markets on the brink of collapse and the economy mired in the worst recession in 80 years.

"I certainly do not think the Bush administration did everything right and that every criticism is completely without foundation." This is what passes for self-criticism in the arsonist's appraisal of the fire brigade's performance.

More than half of Barack Obama's political difficulties now stem from his refusal to recognize in time the extent of the damage done by the last administration. Afghanistan, which he called the war of necessity, was worse when he took office than it was when he started his campaign. The recession, also, was far worse than he thought it was upon becoming President. Obama compounded his problems by not recognizing the latter error in time, and by continuing to speak in terms of a cyclical downturn from which recovery would soon emerge.

The great virtue of Franklin Roosevelt's approach to the Presidency in 1933 and later is that he recognized, and showed to the public that he recognized, how much trouble the country was in. Herbert Hoover's reputation, then and later, suffered for it. Obama has fallen short of Roosevelt's performance, in that respect, during the last two years. One consequence of that is our having to listen to talk about Greek tragedies from servants of a President who let his country down as badly as any man who has ever served in that office.

 

OJNABIEOOT

11:25 AM ET

September 23, 2010

Stupid, stupid, stupid.

What an awful post. Even if it was coherent and used evidence that supported its assertions, it would still be quite silly to proclaim that the book damns Obama unequivocally based on a few deliberately provocative out-of-context excerpts. But this is worse than that; let's go through some major flaws point-by-point.

"A president 'misleading' the American public"

Afghanistan can be both a war of necessity and a war that we cannot give an open-ended commitment to. If the war wrecks our economy and weakens our security by overexertion of the military, does it matter that it was "necessary"? Backtracking a bit on campaign rhetoric based on a more informed view of the war is hardly "misleading."

"National security policy dictated more by partisan interests than by the national interest. Thus Woodward reports Obama imposing an artificial timeline on the Afghan surge because the President is adamant that '...I can't lose the whole Democratic party.'"

This isn't a "partisan interest," it's a reflection of the fact that we're a democracy, and that the Democratic party, through elected representatives, have a say in national security policy. Wars in America have always been about domestic politics, and that includes making plans for war with political consideration in mind. Also, no evidence that the "partisan interests" actually take "more" precedence than security interests.

"The White House political team front and center in national security policy...Axelrod, not a national security policy lead, is responsible for managing the Woodward relationship even though the author's focus was clearly on the wars. "

Yes, shocking that the top political advisor and spin doctor is managing a relationship with a well-known writer who is working on a book about the president! How DARE Obama do that!

"...Petraeus is reported to say, over a glass of wine, that the Obama administration was '[expletive] with the wrong guy.'"

Even more shocking - a famous and influential general gets frustrated and somewhat egotistical about a heated policy dispute! This has never happened before in the history of the United States! Ever!

"Woodward appears to document an even more profound disregard for the ongoing war in Iraq."

Okay, for this Feaver just linked to the WaPo article. This is the only supporting bit I could find in it: "The war in Iraq draws no attention in the book, except as a reference point for considering and developing a new Afghanistan strategy." The book doesn't focus on Iraq; therefore Obama "profound[ly] disregard[s]" it. Or maybe there wasn't nearly as much interesting reporting about Iraq, so Woodward didn't feel the need to include much. This claim isn't just misleading or mistaken; it's a plain lie.

"A fundamental naiveté about military operations. Thus one finds a commander-in-chief willing to authorize a surge of combat troops but unwilling ("I am done doing this") to authorize the requisite enabling troops that make those combat troops effective. Or a commander-in-chief refusing ("Why do we keep having these meetings?") to revisit, review, and revise earlier decisions as the enemy reacts and as the situation on the ground develops."

Petraeus gave his word that Obama's strategy would work. The "why do we keep having these meetings" quote is taken entirely out of context; in context, it refers to the Pentagon heckling Obama about his final decision. Of course they're revisiting and reviewing the strategy more generally. Besides, didn't you criticize Obama for dithering?

There's more, but I'll stop here. I share Mr. Feaver's concern about divisions in Obama's Afghanistan team, but this post is beyond silly. It's grasping at straws, projection, and so stupid that it's difficult to believe Mr. Feaver doesn't know better. This schlock would be an embarrassment in the Weekly Standard, let alone here.

 

AMERICAN SON

8:11 PM ET

September 23, 2010

The Greek Tragedy's Main Act

On the one hand in various venues we discuss realpolitik, and yet we embrace an idealism in others that smothers strategic thought.

What common sense man or woman can embrace "a world without nuclear weapons" at this point in time without considering all the actors on the world stage and the possible repercussions?

The President talks about our not bringing democracy to others but that individuals within separate countries will do so. Not with the modern weapons states have. The people will be crushed. They have already have in numerous parts of the world.

America is the leader of the free world, or at least was and should be. We can lead because we are strong. Democracy and democratic ideals are what we are all about. Have we forgotten who and what we are and what planet we live on?

We need to win hearts and minds at home, and abroad in numerous countries and regions. But the naive believe we already have, that economic changes have changed hearts and minds.

If we lessen our nuclear capabilitiy beyond a certain point we shall not have a safer world, or a safer America. Maybe in 50 years after we have shaped the world deep cuts could be done. But right now the proposed path we are on are wrong and dangerous.

You want to see a Greek tragedy? Let New Start pass and follow that with more deep cuts.

Barbara Tuchman in "The March of Folly" asks why leaders, and entire nations, so often in history do what is not in the best interests of their constituents? Read it and ask yourself if we are not on that road.

No to the New Start Treaty. It should all be rethought and resubmitted. We can only hope the Senate is fully awake.

 

Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.

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