Tuesday, August 31, 2010 - 10:30 PM
How did Obama do in his Iraq speech on those Four Essential Items I was tracking? Better than I feared, but not as well as I hoped.
Gimmickry vs. Candor? He did not say "mission accomplished" but he did say mission completed and responsibility met (specifically: "The Americans who have served in Iraq completed every mission they were given" and "we have met our responsibility"). The emphasis is all on what has been done and not on what still needs to be done. If what remains to be done is light and easy, the speech is strong enough to sustain it. But the speech did not prepare Americans for any hard and dangerous tasks to come in Iraq.
The gestures towards reality -- "Of course, violence will not end with our combat mission" -- felt like nothing more than gestures. And the breezy confidence -- "But ultimately, these terrorists will fail to achieve their goals. Iraqis are a proud people. They have rejected sectarian war, and they have no interest in endless destruction. They understand that, in the end, only Iraqis can resolve their differences and police their streets" -- seemed disconnected from the real challenges still confronting the Iraqi people, and therefore the United States.
Defining the mission going forward? The way forward seemed dotted with hopes and aspirations -- a vague commitment to "support Iraq as it strengthens its government, resolves political disputes, resettles those displaced by war, and builds ties with the region and the world" -- rather than with hard-headed strategies for achieving realistic goals. He also doubled down on the promise that all U.S. troops will be out of Iraq by the end of the year, leaving no flexibility for responding to the expected Iraqi request for a post-2011 American presence.
Honesty about what worked and what hasn't? Without saying it directly, the entire speech was an acknowledgment that the surge had worked. In that sense, it was implicitly honest. But Obama avoided saying it, and indeed avoided most of the expected explicit discussion of his own record on Iraq. He reminded the audience that he had opposed the war initially, but left unmentioned that he had opposed the surge on which all that he had accomplished depended. More importantly, he did not discuss at all the failure of the "timetable as leverage" tactic -- his primary contribution to Iraq strategy and the centerpiece of his Afghanistan strategy.
He did mention President Bush in a fairly positive light and I am willing to believe that his handlers thought they offered a gracious gesture. Certainly his call to "turn the page" on Iraq debates had a statesmanlike ring to it, even if on the very next page he leveled a campaign-theme attack line about money spent in Iraq not being available to be spent at home. Yet on balance, I am willing to credit this as his most gracious Iraq speech ever.
Speaking to the toughest audiences, those who lost loved ones? His peroration was moving and well delivered. He improved on the radio address by spending more time talking about military honor and less time talking about military compensation. But he also spent all of his time talking to and about the troops that had left Iraq rather than the troops that remained. I think they and their families would have appreciated a bit more explanation of why it is worth running the risks they must run, and bearing the burden they continue to carry.
Perhaps this will be the last speech he gives on Iraq in 18 months. If Iraq steadily improves, he may not need to say much more. If Iraqis consistently stand up, Americans can consistently stand down. If so, then this will be remembered as his best Iraq speech. But if the gains thus far in Iraq suffer serious setbacks and if the American military are obliged to do more than ferry equipment out of theater, this speech may be remembered as an ill-starred spiking of a ball that is very much still in play.
I Hope Someone in the White House Reads This
I hope someone in the White House reads this. Two or three times.
It might drive home the message that gestures toward the last administration, the administration responsible for the Iraq disaster, will never get Barack Obama anything. The objects of his affected magnanimity will never settle for anything less than the fawning praise and flattery they themselves would direct toward George W. Bush were they in the same room with him. They will always insist, as he does himself, that he be judged only by his motives, or at least the latest iteration of them. This isn't a product of accident. It's what they were born and raised to do.
President Obama's hapless performance tonight reminded me that he, like his recent predecessors in the White House, is a product of the permanent campaign. He doesn't speak to Americans like a President, but only like a candidate. He's anxious not to appear, in campaign jargon, "too extreme"; he offers rhetorical olive branches to his political opposition so as to persuade independents that he is not reflexively partisan. It's a play from the old playbook, or perhaps an approach drawn from his experience as a relatively clean, black politician trying to make progress in the vilely corrupt politics of his native Illinois. What Obama did tonight only made him look weak. He couldn't have succeeded better at that if he'd begun his address by declaring that this is what he wanted to do.
The media needs to stop glorifying the surge. It was a temporary solution, not a magic panacea. We will only know if the surge was worth additional American blood and treasure in the future. I know that I will always believe Iraq to be an idiotic mission chosen by our idiotic leaders. I do not care in the least whether a surge worked or not as it was never worth fighting and dying for.
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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