Today the congressionally-mandated Quadrennial Defense Review independent panel released its report, The QDR in Perspective: Meeting America's National Security Needs in the 21st Century. The 20-member panel, chaired by former Clinton administration Secretary of Defense Bill Perry and former Bush administration National Security Advisor Steve Hadley, included former senior officials from Democratic and Republican administrations as well as retired senior officers. I served on the staff of the panel and will therefore confine my observations to the report's findings and recommendations as well as its overall significance. 

The Independent Panel's report represents a striking bipartisan consensus that the United States must do more when it comes to national defense if we are to continue to play the international role we have and pursue the interests that have animated American grand strategy since the end of World War II. These include the need to defend the American homeland; assure access to the sea, air, space, and cyberspace; preserve a favorable balance of power across Eurasia that prevents authoritarian domination of the region and providing for the common good globally. The panel's report stands in stark contrast with the recent report of the Sustainable Defense Task Force, which sought to curtail America's global role to fit a shrinking defense budget. 

While commending Secretary of Defense Robert Gates for his focus on winning America's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the report notes "a significant and growing gap between the ‘force structure' of the military -- its size and its inventory of equipment -- and the missions it will be called on to perform in the future." The panel's members were particularly concerned that the force structure outlined in the 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review "may not be sufficient to assure others that the United States can meet its treaty commitments in the face of China's increased military capabilities." The report calls for an increase in U.S. force structure in the Pacific to counter Chinese military modernization, noting, "A robust US force structure, largely rooted in maritime strategy but including other necessary capabilities, will be essential."

It is powerful statement that a group of 20 senior officials who have served Democratic and Republican presidents agreed that "The [U.S.] force structure needs to be increased in a number of areas, including the need to counter anti-access challenges; strengthen homeland defense, including cyber threats; and conduct post-conflict stabilization missions. It must also be modernized." They call for an increase in the size of the U.S. Navy, the acquisition of a next-generation bomber, and new long-range strike systems. They also acknowledge that although the Defense Department must do everything it can to achieve cost savings on acquisition and overhead, "substantial additional resources will be required to modernize the force. Although there is a cost to recapitalizing the military, there is also a price to be paid for not re-capitalizing, one that in the long run would be much greater."

The report also tackles the sensitive issue of the Defense Department's rising personnel costs, noting that "A failure to address the increasing costs of the all-volunteer force will likely result in a reduction in the force structure, a reduction in benefits or a compromised all-volunteer force."

The QDR independent panel's report lays out a cogent bipartisan argument that the United States must do more, not less, in defense of American interests if we are to continue to play an active international role. It should generate a debate over America's role in the world and the value of maintaining it. It is a debate that Americans should welcome.

 
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DEPETRIS@WORDPRESS.COM

4:06 PM ET

July 29, 2010

When is enough enough?

So let's get this straight:

The U.S. Military is by far the most powerful, technologically-savy, fully-funded, and competent force in the world. The U.S. Military spends more than the top ten countries combined on national defense, aircraft, and anti-aircraft systems while having the largest department in Washington today. The Department of Defense has increased its role and influence drastically over two administrations (Bush and Obama), tasked with fighting two wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and tasked with training, cooperating, and providing valuable intelligence with hundreds of countries in every corner of the world.

Yet because the Chinese are starting to make some headway in their own armed forces- modernizing their force, pouring more money into high-tech systems, expanding their role in the Middle East- this somehow justifies the United States to spend more money and more effort on boosting up the American presence in the Pacific.

Here's are some questions for the authors. When is enough enough? How much more money are we going to pour into this force? Is China really that big of a threat? Maybe I'm just being naive, but I really don't think China is going to become the next Soviet Union anytime soon. Instead of countering Chinese power in Asia, perhaps the United States should try to find a way to work with the Chinese and get them on our side....at least on some crucial issues.

The authors do make some potent points regarding America's current treaty committments. But a lot of these committments were forged during the Cold War, when Washington's primary objective was to curtail communism and weaken Soviet power. We are faced with a far more different environment today; the Soviet Union is gone, communism is no longer a threat, and East Asia is hardly as important to U.S. national security as it was in the 1960's and 70's.

Rather than changing the military's entire structure to meet treaties made in the 60's, perhaps we should just review our current committments (like having 30,000 troops in South Korea or 50,000 in Germany, or thousands in Japan).

http://www.depetris.wordpress.com

 

PUBLICUS

9:24 PM ET

July 30, 2010

On 'our side'

Yeah, let's work to get the CPC/PRC on 'our' side.

What's our side anyway? Would it be democracy, human rights, freedom of expression and of press/media/speech, right to petition the government for redress of grievances, freedom of religion? A congressional or parliamentary system of government? An independent judiciary enforcing the rule of law?

Stopping the genocide in Sudan/Darfour? Unifying N Korea with S Korea? Stopping support of Pakistan's nuclear program? Quit supporting Iran in the UNSC? Not assist Burma/Myanmar getting a nuclear program? Stop indoctrinating the PRC sheeple that India is evil because it's a democracy and shelters the Dhali Lama (a weirdo but he has his rights too as does his country Tibet, invaded and controlled by the PRC)?

Allow the sheeple of the PRC to access global cable satellite TV, which in the PRC is called 'foreign (devil) television' and is thus PROHIBITED, as is access to Facebook (but not for Hu Jin Tao or Wen Jai Bao), Twitter, YouTube, Friendster etc etc?

Good luck. Cervantes wrote about you..

 

Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.

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