Thursday, July 8, 2010 - 11:06 AM

The flap over Michael Steele's comments on Afghanistan has got me thinking about the challenge of being a responsible opposition in wartime. How can we hold the administration accountable and fairly evaluate administration policies yet do so in a way that does not worsen U.S. prospects in the war?
Debates about foreign policy will not and should not be suspended just because the country is at war. Nor will the broader partisan political process go on hiatus. The question is not whether there will be debate and disagreement. The question is whether or not it will be done responsibly.
I would offer a few easy-to-declare-but-hard-to-live-up-to standards for evaluating the responsibility of the opposition:
Based on these standards, the last decade of opposition has amassed a pretty
mixed record, some of which I detail in a chapter on "Domestic Politics and the Long War" in a
recent edited volume. Too much of the Democratic critique of Bush was
based on myths, caricatures, and ad hominem attack that offered no
serious constructive alternative. Too much of the Democratic critique
consisted of questioning the patriotism of the Bush administration and then
complaining, often without cause, that their patriotism had been
questioned when the consequences of their policies were subjected to critical
scrutiny.
For the past 18 months, Republicans have had the "responsible opposition"
portfolio and thus a chance to rise above the standard set by the Democrats.
Grading on this curve, I think they (we) have done pretty well so far, but
it is early and the electoral season is a daunting test looming before us.
Alas, there is at least one ominous harbinger, which brings me to the Michael
Steele flap. Over the weekend, RNC Chairman Michael Steele gave
apparently unscripted remarks at a fund-raiser in
Connecticut. In so doing, Steele managed to violate most of my standards
for responsible opposition. Of greatest concern: He based his critique on
some outright whoppers, claiming that the Afghanistan war is a "war of Obama's
choosing," and "This
is not something the United States had actively prosecuted or wanted to engage
in."
Now a responsible opposition can question whether Obama's Afghanistan strategy
is on a trajectory towards success (leave aside the opposition, a significant
fraction of the Obama administration, not to mention the Democratic party, has
questioned this point). A responsible opposition can even argue that it
is time to cut our losses and seek "lesser evil" outcomes. (I don't agree
with this position, not yet anyway, but my old colleague Bob Blackwill has
offered a well-argued version of this position).
A responsible opposition can even argue that the lion's share of the
fault for failure must rest with this administration rather than with the inheritance,
as Tony Blankley did recently.
But it is simply not responsible to claim that the entire war, and thus all of
the problems in Afghanistan, is Obama's fault from start to finish. And
beyond irresponsible, it is a blunder. That claim is so preposterous that
making it wounds one's own side far more than it wounds the target.
(Which may be why Steele is getting some support from hyperpartisan corners on the other side).
If this is a sign of things to come, then I fear Republicans could fail the
"responsible opposition" test. Fortunately for the country, this sorry
episode had a few silver linings. Within hours of Steele's remarks
hitting the airwaves, serious Republicans in Congress and in the think-tank community rose up to
admonish Steele and correct the various distortions. Steele, for his
part, has offered something of a clarification, though well short of a full
"Jimmy
Swaggart apology. I hope in the days to come he will prove
more responsible, and that those of us in the bleachers will likewise hold
ourselves to a higher standard.
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
EXPLORE:AFGHANISTAN, BUSH ADMINISTRATION, DEMOCRACY, MILITARY, OBAMA ADMINISTRATION, SECURITY, U.S. CONGRESS
The critic can't win in Feaver's world
Points 1 and 3. Facts- Is it or is it not true that many people' s reputations, careers, and investments are dependent on US involvement in so-called hotspots like East Africa or Afghanistan? Moreover, isn't it true that these involvements must end in success to insure that further interventions are justified. Isn't it true that in the US, as in Weimer Germany, failure often is blamed on some nebulous 5th column of defeatist, anti-patriotic sorts, and a lack of will-power on the part of the masses? Please tell me if I crossed the line and went ad hominem. I'm just arguing for motive here.
Point 2. Rigorous rhetoric- Is it or is it not fair to use the party in power's own language against them if one believes that the justifications are false and is it fair to point out that justifications seem to change over time? When critics of the Iraq invasion said that it was all about the oil, they were shouted down as conspiracy theorists. So we are back to the administration's own justifications, which were largely vainglorious. And please, sir, let's not try to pretend that there has anything remotely resembling intellectual rigor regarding our justifications for warfare by either the Bush or Obama administration, unless it is our right to use preemptive violence.
Point 4.- Your point about the politicization of criticism is well taken, we've seen it happen all too often. But, regarding constructive criticism and your statement regarding ill-informed pundits, do you think that the US government's culture of secrecy has something to do with this problem? The US citizenry is treated in a fairly condescending manner, told we have wise heads looking out for our interests and we should go shop. Occasionally, however, when we do question our leaders our their grand plans we are lectured, told we don't understand what's in our best interests and are spoiled. Considering the fairly harsh punishments for unauthorized leaks (not the garden variety semi-official "leaks"), the calls for "looking forward" and a genuine reluctance to prosecute individuals in high level positions, a citizen is justified in questioning why so much is kept secret. Moreover, considering the less than flattering stories that eventually do come out, said citizen must ask to what extent our leadership is basically involved in mutually beneficiary activities, i.e. scratching each others' backs.
Now, am I being shrill, unfair, and less than rigorous?
Finally, the burden of proof is and must always rest with the party advocating action, particularly violence. They should expect to have to defend their decisions on a constant basis, and yes, to have their motives questioned. We aren't arguing about the color of bathroom tile here.
One must also wonder if Mr. Feaver would have written something of this sort criticizing conservative leadership and pundits who openly stated in 2003 that anyone who was opposed to the war should "shut up" or that the time for debate was over. I'm more than willing to support someone ideologically opposed to me if they can show me that they have the willingness to hold both sides to the same standards. As for whether the Republican party is acting responsibly; I wasn't alive prior to the 80s so I can't honestly say what Congress might have been like but I have the strongest doubts that either party was ever 'responsible' in opposition.
I would have thought the first tasks of a responsible opposition were to:
* Identify policies of the incumbent administration or Congressional majority likely to produce disaster for the country;
* Exert itself to block or change policies likely to produce disaster before they were implemented;
* If policies actually did produce disaster, assign responsibility to the relevant policymakers in language plain enough to be understood by everyone; and
* Remind the public regularly of who produced the disaster until the likelihood of their ever returning to office had dissipated.
I don't know how that set of standards applies to Michael Steele, a third rate former politician now in a post that calls for a first rate political operative. Applied to the Democrats during the last administration, it is a set of standards that finds them wanting: timorous, ineffectual, easily cowed and outmaneuvered, moved less by what was happening to the country than by what might happen to them if they happened to find themselves on the wrong side of public opinion in their states and districts.
My set of standards is different than but compatible with Peter Feaver's, at most times during most administrations. This is because all administrations get some things badly wrong, and all administrations have some elements that serve the country very well. The American system would not have survived as long as it has if many Presidents left office with the nation dramatically and comprehensively worse off than when they entered.
Of course, the last President did precisely that. In this thankfully unusual situation, Feaver's standards and mine are incompatible, because they turn out to have different objectives. Feaver's set a high value on preserving the public reputation and personal feelings of the people in charge of making government policy; mine do not consider either as important in and of themselves. Feaver's presume that opposition has an obligation to address public issues "on the merits," presuming the ability, good character and pure motives of the people making policy; I do not recognize any such obligation if serious damage is being done to the country, to its interests, standing and good name in the world, or to an important public institution.
Perhaps the most important difference in objectives is that Feaver's standards seek to establish the political opposition's primary responsibility for not hurting the country's prospects in a war. Mine take for granted that this is absurd on its face. Obviously the difference is exaggerated by the fact that Feaver has a personal interest in the question that I do not; I have no professional interests to protect, nor any former associates in the last administration to worry about offending. I look on the wreckage left by the administration Feaver served, and think only that it would be a very good thing for failure in government to be judged harshly and in quite personal terms, the better to prevent disasters like those visited on America by George W. Bush from happening again.
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prnturka good thanks.
Mostly good points, but I strongly disagree with the fourth. It is fallacious to claim that, because a critic has not offered an alternative course of action, their criticism of existing actions is somehow invalid or dismissable. If I correctly point out that you have made a gross error in judgment, my failure to offer a solution does not make my points any less true. You still ignore them at your (our) peril.
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How To Be a Responsible Governement
1. When the rest of the world think you're wrong don't consider it a mark of your superiority.
2. If you proclaim to stand for values like liberty, democracy and human right's do not torture people or jail them without a trial.
3. When almost the entire scientific establishment believes and supports a scientific thesis then it is a good idea not to actively try to undermine them.
4. Don't borrow a lot of money from your enemies (unless you are planning of going into bankruptcy).
5. Don't attack small third world countries in order to further your domestic agenda.
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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