A New
York Times analysis
piece by Peter Baker and Rod Nordland raises two intriguing questions, one
about the politics of Iraq and the other about our ability to learn from
previous mistakes.
The gist of the Baker/Nordland article is that Obama is doubling down on the
rigid Iraqi withdrawal timeline even though the assumptions on which the
timeline was based have proven overly optimistic. Respected Iraq hands -- some
on the record and, more ominously for Obama, some insiders on a
not-for-attribution basis -- told the reporters that the political delays in
Baghdad should be accompanied with a commensurate delay in the withdrawal
schedule.
The original timeline was supposedly dictated by the Iraqi election clock:
whatever newly elected Iraqi government took power would need the reassurance
of a sizable U.S. combat troop presence for some period of time (months, not
weeks) to ensure a smooth transition. On the original political calendar, an
August deadline for completing the withdrawal seemed ambitious but doable. The
Iraqis are now well off the original political calendar, however, and it now
seems likely that by the time of the August deadline there will be no new
government seated, or at best one only seated for a few weeks.
The article dangles tantalizingly the possibility that it is the American
political calendar that is dictating the timeline now: "... with his liberal
base angry at the Afghan troop buildup, any delay of the Iraq drawdown could
provoke more consternation on the left." It is hard to predict where
August will fall in the Iraqi political trajectory, but it is a rock-solid
certainty that August comes comfortably before the U.S. midterm election. The
reporters are right that letting the August deadline slide could pose an enormous
political headache for an administration already struggling to mobilize its
base when the national mood favors the Republicans. But a failure to heed the
situation on the ground in Iraq would, I suspect, pose much greater headaches
down the road for the administration so I fervently hope that the U.S. midterm
elections are not dictating the timeline.
Even without domestic politics confounding the calculation, the strategic
challenge would be vexing. One of the hardest things to do in war is to
ascertain when developments on the ground require a change in plans and when
the plan is still viable despite some setbacks. The Bush administration did not
always get this right. It came under withering and justifiable criticism for
being slow to adjust to Iraqi realities in the months after the invasion. Even
though the unfolding events revealed that several of the assumptions of the
original Phase IV plan had been overly optimistic, critics charged that
Secretary Rumsfeld stuck with the original military plan.
The Obama administration
is now facing its own version of that very same strategic challenge. Even the
way the current internal debate is reported is eerily reminiscent of the
conventional critique of the first year of the Iraq war:
Two former
officials who worked on Iraq policy in the Obama administration said that after
it became clear how late the elections would be, Gen. Ray
Odierno, the commander in Iraq, wanted to keep 3,000 to 5,000 combat
troops in northern Iraq after the Aug. 31 deadline. But the officials, who
spoke on condition of anonymity because of the delicacy of the matter, said it
was clear that the White House did not want any combat units to remain."
Of course, the article also includes on-the-record denials that Odierno wanted
those extra troops and notes that Odierno recently gave the timeline a fairly
strong endorsement. And, lest there be any doubt, the president's foreign
policy speechwriter confidently stated, "We see no indications now that our
planning needs to be adjusted..."
Yet officials gave similar assessments during the confusing summer of 2003 only
to walk them back over the next several years. Given the stakes in Iraq, we
should all hope that the Obama team's assessments prove more durable.
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