Wednesday, January 20, 2010 - 11:12 PM

The policy I would most strongly advocate President Obama changing is profligate spending, and conservatives should help him do that by supporting cuts in defense spending. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are important to our security; better protecting our country against attack and improving our game in cyber and space are crucial for our domestic well being; maintaining a war-winning military is essential to shaping the international order in ways conducive to U.S. interests. And yet, the single biggest potential risk to the United States is continuing to spend money we don't have.
The historian Arnold Toyenbee assessed that civilizations die by suicide, not murder. That is, they decline when they stop responding creatively to challenges. We're spending ourselves into suicide by not balancing our federal budget and developing a serious plan to address the $12,324,001,387,060 debt. The deficit alone -- the difference between what our government receives in taxes and what it spends has tripled this year to $1.4 trillion. There is simply no excuse for a country as prosperous and protected as ours to behave so irresponsibly.
The Department of Defense is about to release a Fiscal Year 2011 budget request of $708 billion. It is tempting to give DOD a pass, to argue that since the president is shoveling money out the windows to bail out mendacious Wall Street and deservingly bankrupt auto makers, defense should reap a windfall. During the debate over stimulus spending last year, Martin Feldstein argued persuasively that the most efficient application of government spending would have been in defense, where the government needs to spend money anyway: increasing port and other homeland security, replacing equipment, and recruiting more people into military service. Existing programs and operations are conducive to a spike in spending that tails off within two years, reducing the prospect of ineffectual spending and corruption.
Instead, the administration allowed Congress to create a spending monstrosity with very little short-term benefit to our economy. The FY 2011 Defense budget needs now to be seen in light -- or, more accurately, in the shadow of -- the nearly $2 trillion in debt the U.S. government amassed last year. OMB has ostensibly instructed all departments to develop their FY 2011 budgets with an excursion detailing where they would take a 5 percent cut in spending. In this defense budget that would amount to a reduction of $35.4 billion; but there is almost no prospect DOD will be pressed to reduce its outlays.
The president is probably too vulnerable on national security issues -- even before the close call of the Christmas bombing -- to significantly cut defense spending. Conservatives should help him. We should avoid the easy slaps at the administration for being soft on national security if they responsibly trim defense spending. We should endorse the case for "smart power" and hold the administration accountable for failing to practice it (in the latest example, the White House's inattention to developments in Iraq has once again resulted in a political setback -- refusing Sunni candidates the chance to stand for election -- that was easily predictable and could reignite sectarian violence). We must stop equating inputs such as "amount spent" to outputs.
Americans rightly expect to have the world's finest military. We should reinforce our comparative advantages and develop new ones to expand our supremacy. But equating that to an industrial age metric like "coal burned" makes us less creative, less responsive to changing circumstances. We must be more cost effective in our defense spending as in all other government spending.
Defense has for too long lived immune from economics: Its leading strategists rarely have economic training or attempt to link currency values, trade balances, or tax policies. Conservatives need to hearken back to our Eisenhower heritage, and develop a defense leadership that understands military power is fundamentally premised on the solvency of the American government and the vibrancy of the U.S. economy.
Robert Gates could and should have been that secretary of defense. He is the strongest, most capable secretary of defense. He is in command as well as control of the building. But he has chosen to submit a defense budget nearly triple the size of DOD's spending in 2001. What a lost opportunity for the country.
This is an interesting commentary that steers clear of this blog's leitmotif, the complaint that criticism of the last administration is mean and unfair. I'm sorry that it peters out so ineffectually, avoiding all specifics as to how President Obama might set about reducing military spending.
Reducing the size of the nuclear arsenal is one such specific. Accelerating American withdrawal from Iraq is another. Finally blowing up the missile defense boondoggle would be an excellent thing to do.
The big enchilada among defense cut ideas, though, is reform of the military procurement system. This includes among its many vices major weapons platforms that take over a decade just to get off the drawing boards, are produced at multiple sites located all over the country, and absorb the attention not only of today's military's surfeit of senior officers, but that of yesterday's military as well. Military procurement does not just cost too much. It costs way too much. Reforming it would obviously involve a major fight with Congressmen and Senators who are pro-waste. That kind of fight would be rather a good thing for Obama.
wow - talk about lack of specificity Zathras...
military procurement is always an easy target and as a former member of one of the the building's service staffs, I would agree that there is potential here (although you lambast the author for lacking specifics in HIS blog entry!).
Considering how much money we pour into military procurement, I'd say calling it an "easy" target misstates the case somewhat.
As to specifics, I'm afraid I can't offer as much satisfaction to the poster upthread as I'd like to. This is mostly because today is a weekday and I have a job. It's also true that some of the most well-known and egregiously wasteful military platforms have already blown through their tens of billions of dollars and occupied their 10 to 20 years in the development pipeline: the Osprey, the Raptor, the littoral combat ships, even the new cutters the Coast Guard tried to buy a few years ago. It would be a fair enough observation that these are horses that have left the barn; there isn't as much good to be done and money to be saved by scrapping them as there would have been ten or more years ago.
Now, I admit the theoretical possibility that a procurement system that produced the above boondoggles isn't producing new ones now, but that's not where I'd place my bet. Who would?
Kori, it had to be said. Great blog!
The building national debt of the nation is undoubtedly the #1 national security threat. The President hinted at it in his West Point speech but he snuck it in without serious follow through.
IMO, the most important part in your words is the need to focus on space/cyber (and I'd add naval/air) for its major conflict deterrent power (are you listening China??) The expensive Soldier-intensive COIN is a drain; let other nations do this lifting. We can and should help build others' capacity to do this but we don't need to be the lead fighter. And, for those thinking I must be either Air Force or Navy (or State...), I'm in the Army.
Simple spending reductions will not do it anymore. Time for more drastic measures. America must lead a controlled move from the dollar as the global reserve and it should consider tying this to a balanced budget amendment (mostly as a supporting message to prevent the collapse of the $ during the reserve transition). For others to have "skin in the game", link this effort with Security Council reform and for the new members, remind them that they must do their share of COIN work as the price of global recognition of the their power and influence.
The devil is in the details and who offers their program first?
Kori--I agree in spirit; however, your position strikes me as painfully naive. The "system" is essentially, at best, a zero sum game--it is usually additive, seldom reductive in the whole (though programs and constituencies wax and wane--though seldom die). Seeing the sausage being made at my level (in the requirements definition end), the emphasis is articulating the minimum requirements and quantifying the risk assumed by various reductions--rarely the opposite of advocating enhanced capability by increasing expenditure. Reforming the acquisition system is a worthy goal--much like your colleagues at Hoover's position on elimination of Nuclear weapons. Real reform might be the mountain top--I'm not sure you can see it from here. Witness the loss of traction on reforming the NSC process--surely a relatively easier thing to accomplish and with largely bipartisan support. I fear there are too many competing communities and any ground given on the defense side would be scooped into other discretionary spending facing a shortfall rather than being applied to the debt.--Ken
Eisenhower defense savings strategy redux
The New New New Look? Interesting conceptual proposal with respect to economics and defense spending sufficiency for the future, but Eisenhower's anchoring in the belief of the likelihood of conventional war with the Soviets kept his focus on saving money through the planned use of a nuclear response to attacks. This perspective didn't serve the US well in preparing for people's wars of the 1960's and beyond.
Maybe the Pentagon will do better during this Administration. We'll have to wait and see what happens with the FY11 budget, the QDR, the NPR and what Gates proposes for programs across the FYDP, as well as the opportunties and threats our adversaries present to us.
What, Dr. Schake, do you suppose that $708 billion will be for?
This budget request will reflect significantly increased costs in Afghanistan, and continuing large costs in Iraq, both of which this blog has said should be even greater.
Much of the rest above previous years' budgets will no doubt be devoted to "replacing equipment, and recruiting more people into military service," (much of this necessitated by the trillion-dollar-and-counting Iraq war) just what you suggest would be ideal stimulus.
The economy will take years to reach an approximation of full employment, so you need not despair that the window in which stimulus would be useful has passed. Of course Feldstein's testimony was unique in calling specifically for defense spending. The prevailing opinion of experts was that other types of spending, such as unemployment benefits and aid to state & local governments, would bring the most bang for the buck, and this was a substantial share of the total stimulus.
As befitting a member of the self-proclaimed shadow government, you evidently take it as an article of faith that the ARRA had "very little short-term benefit to our economy." This is not what actual economists who have studied this believe, however. I suggest you stick to national-security policy. Perhaps you might even consider identifying specific defense cuts, beyond those Gates proposed last spring, that should be implemented.
The plan was good. Stop spending bucks. Its like saving money for diets, rather than craving for foods that worth expensive while losing weight is much easier.. Alright, it's February and time for you to follow through on your New Years Resolution, whether it's to kick soda or start losing weight, a very
popular one. Here's the thing about gym membership – you don't have to just sign up for the first one you see. For one, use promotional trial memberships and find the right one for you, or find gyms that friends belong to and see if they have a referral discount. Also, your insurance carrier or employer could have a incentive program for gym membership – and it might be a small payday loans worth for getting fit.
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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