Wednesday, January 20, 2010 - 5:39 PM

What should be the Obama administration's
focus in the Middle East for Year Two? For me, it's a no-brainer: consolidating
success in Iraq and supporting democratic change in Iran.
Iraq is at an important crossroads. Things could go very well in 2010 or
they could begin to unravel. There's no doubt that President Obama's
artificially imposed August timeline for removing all U.S. combat troops has
introduced an unnecessary element of added uncertainty to the mix, and will
serve as an accelerant of instability.
That said, the process remains manageable if balanced by steady progress in the political, economic, diplomatic, and security spheres, mainly: 1) Another free and fair parliamentary election that, without excessive delay, produces a reasonably competent national government; 2) The start of a serious campaign to deliver basic services, attract foreign investment, and generate jobs and economic growth for the Iraqi people; 3) Iraq's further integration into its own neighborhood; and 4) The continued strengthening of the Iraqi security services. All these tasks remain seriously challenging, but eminently achievable -- especially if buttressed by deep, consistent American engagement, led by Obama himself, that reflects an appreciation for Iraq's critical importance to the Persian Gulf region and the enormous long-term benefits that would accrue from an effective U.S.-Iraqi strategic partnership.
In Iran, the administration's current strategy leaves it confronting a series
of bad choices: stand by while the Islamic Republic gets ever closer to
acquiring nuclear weapons; support military action to destroy Iran's nuclear
capability; or (less likely) strike a "deal" with Iran's illegitimate
rulers that few believe they will keep. An infinitely better outcome -- and one
that, since June 12, is now well within the realm of possibility (if still not
probable) -- would be the success of Iran's democratic opposition, the
so-called Green Movement. Advancing an agenda of greater democracy, human
rights, the rule of law, and Iran's reconciliation with the outside world, the
Greens' triumph promises tremendous strategic payoffs to the United States --
not to mention the Iranian people. While not a panacea, the effective end of
the Islamic Republic as we have known it these past 30 years, and its
replacement by a democratizing regime seeking to restore Iran's status as a
"normal," non-revolutionary regional power, would almost certainly
make the problems posed by its nuclear program and support for terrorism far
more amenable to diplomatic resolution.
More broadly, the demise of Iran's theocratic dictatorship would constitute a
major victory for the West in the broader war on terror. Khomeini's 1979
revolution marked the birth of modern Islamist radicalism and anti-American
terrorism. The mullahs' success in seizing control of a major Middle
Eastern state and waging a three-decade long campaign of hostilities against
America, the "Great Satan," has inspired extremists across the
Sunni-Shiite divide, including al Qaeda. Khomeiniism's defeat at the hands of a
peaceful, democratic opposition committed to re-establishing relations with
America would strike a devastating blow in the ideological struggle that lies
at the heart of the West's confrontation with violent jihadism. Indeed,
it's no stretch to say that it would mark the most positive and transformative
geo-strategic development since the collapse of Soviet communism. Given that
fact ... given the very real -- albeit still small -- chance that the Green revolution
could actually succeed in the next 12-24 months ... and given the paucity of
favorable policy alternatives ... U.S.
interests would be well served by a concerted strategy to do everything
possible to support the Greens' success.
It's worth noting the intense synergies between these efforts in Iraq and Iran.
After all, what better form of pressure could we hope to exert on Iran's
illegitimate rulers than the example of a credible election in next-door Iraq,
where the world's most highly esteemed, but quietist Shiite clergy serves not
to steal the peoples' votes, but as the foremost guardian of the integrity of
the democratic process? And how much greater would Iraq's chances of success
become absent the Islamic Republic's harmful meddling and support for violent
extremists? Of course, it goes without saying that were President Obama
actually to succeed in forging a new axis of democratic cooperation between the
United States, Iraq, and Iran -- arguably, the Gulf's three most influential
powers -- it would not only revolutionize the geopolitics of the Middle East;
it would also guarantee his place as a truly consequential foreign policy
president.
I´m sorry mister hannah,
but your article is full of inadmissible coherences and unjustified arguments.
my objections are as follows:
Point 1: There are no evidences that iran is acquiring nuclear weapons. until this accusations are not proofed the defendant has to be considered as innocent.
Point 2: As far it concerns the legal aspect, there is no illegitimate government in iran. iran is having presidential and local elections since its very begining. One should not make the 2009 post elections to the fundament of our cognitive system in reading iran. since WATERGATE we all know in how far we wre ready to abuse democratic elections.
Point 3: With recommending "support" (what ever you mean with that) for the Green Movement your are giving the advize to meddle in internal affairs of a souvereign country. Imagine Iran , China and Russia would decide to support the spanisch ETA, former german RAF Members or other separatist and anti-democratic movements.
Point 4: The estimate that the Clergy has come to an end is not fitting with reality. The so called reformist affiliated groups never had and never will have any key position in the IR system. Foreign politics, economy, media, education, finance, military : all in the hands of pasdaran affiliated circles and the so called opposition is not even a hint of a shareholder of all this.
Point 5: There is no link between the Iraqi Elections and the democratic future of Iran. No one still knows in how far the shia clergy will stay on there former stances to keep out of politics. its an open secret that the shia clergy - the most dominant power in iraq after saddams fall - is doing its time until the US forces are fully out of Iraq and giving the answers the occupation forces are expecting from them. thats exactly what iranian khomeini did to get in power.
as it seems, iraqs future is amounting to a non-secular state.
Mister Hannah, instead of promoting completely unjustified acts of international intereference (which are forbidden by the UN) , you should more focus on the realist view, that the powers of the region are totaly aware of the american ambitions to create a new middle east under their umbrella.
The only way to promote stability and democratic structures is to reshape its interest in the middle east and to accept and respect the gulf countries right of self-determination and not to insist that america and its allies should be the gatekeeper of it.
Everything else will be seen as arrogant regime change behavior by middle easteners.
Iranians support their nuclear program
Whenever someone talks of a "ideological struggle that lies at the heart of the West's confrontation with violent jihadism" and lumps Iran in with al-Qaeda, you know you're reading dogma rather than fact. Hate to break the news to you but ALL Iranians support their nuclear program, even the "Greens" and they deeply resent foreign powers meddling in their affairs.
PS: no one believes your "concern for human rights"
Oh and incidentally, Iranians are well aware that the United States armed, financed, backed, and covered-up for Saddam and his use of chemical weapons against Iran, amongst other things. Do you really suppose they're silly enough to fall for the US crocodile tears about human rights in Iran?
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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