Thursday, October 1, 2009 - 2:41 PM
By Peter Feaver
How should we measure success in the talks with Iran that begin today? I propose the following sliding scale.
1. Breathtaking, mission accomplished victory: Iran agrees to abandon its nuclear weapons program, submit to a rigorous verification and safeguards regime, and open substantive dialogue on its support for global terrorism. If this is achieved, President Obama would be a shoo-in for the Nobel Peace Prize. Chance of this happening: I would guess near zero.
2. Demonstrable and significant progress: Iran's continued recalcitrance is identified early by all the relevant players, especially Russia and China, and the UN Security Council responds within a few weeks with a substantial ramping up of de facto sanctions on Iran -- sanctions that involve the effective participation of Iran's chief trading partners, the EU, Russia, China, and India. Chance of this happening: I would guess not zero, but maybe just a 1-in-10 chance.
3. No progress beyond what the Bush team already achieved: Iran's continued recalcitrance provokes a range of global rhetorical censure ranging from Chinese tut-tutting to American (or French or British) bluster. The United States unilaterally increases sanctions pressure, but only incrementally because U.S. unilateral leverage over Iran is minimal. Europeans agree to review their options for an incremental increase of sanctions pressure themselves, but do not commit irrevocably to a ramp up in pressure. Russians and Chinese acknowledge that Iran has not been forthcoming, but block further sanctions on the grounds that these would be counterproductive. Chance of this happening: I would guess this is the most likely outcome, so maybe a 4-in-10 chance.
4. Less progress than what the Bush team already achieved: Iran's continued recalcitrance even after the U.S. has played its "hole card" of the evidence of Iranian duplicity concerning the second enrichment site splits the international coalition and key members, likely Russia or China, blame the United States for its mishandling of the negotiations. Chance of this happening: I fear this is the next most-likely-outcome, so maybe a 3-in-10 chance.
5. False progress is achieved: Desperate to show progress, the United States accepts a fig-leaf arrangement, or merely declares the negotiations fruitful when they are not, and so there is neither true progress towards Iranian relinquishment of their nuclear program nor increased leverage imposed on them to make a deal in the next round more likely. Chance of this happening: I don't think this is as likely as some Obama critics think, but there is a non-trivial possibility of this happening, perhaps barely a 2-in-10 chance.
6. U.S. capitulation: Desperate for a deal, the United States follows the advice of some and signs a grand bargain agreement that "resolves" the issue by preemptively conceding to all of Iran's demands, including the demand that the world community stop complaining about the Iranian nuclear weapons program. Chance of this happening: not likely, probably only marginally more likely than outcome #1.
It should be noted that when Dennis Ross, a key player on the Obama team, outlined his strategy for Iran, it was essentially the Bush administration strategy and so was likely only to produce what the Bush team had been able to produce -- or a slight improvement thereupon. While he hoped for Outcome #1, he acknowledged that it might more realistically only achieve #2 in the medium-term. For that reason, I do not think it is fair to declare the strategy a failure if it doesn't achieve #1. However, if it doesn't achieve #2, I think it is fair, and perfectly within the terms established by Team Obama, to declare it a failure.
I know I already used this title on one comment, but really, Dr. Feaver, you need to focus a little more on what you are reading and linking to.
The Ross link describes an approach that "would involve de-emphasizing military threats, offering direct U.S.-Iranian discussions without preconditions on a wide range of issues, and .... accept Iran’s right to enrich uranium despite its past transgressions." Note a lot of similarities to the Bush approach there? Neither did I.
Your assertions that there is a nuclear weapons program obscure more than they reveal. There are many hints but no hard evidence of a weapons program at present, beyond dual-use enrichment. (I happen to believe that Iran's nuclear program is driven largely by its continuing nuclear-club ambitions.)
It would be much more enlightening if you would refer to the existing enrichment and power-reactor programs. Do you believe these could be allowed to continue, under appropriate safeguards, for example? Saying Iran must abandon its nuclear-weapons program tells us next to nothing about your position on the actual issues in play.
Anyone who believes they can trust anything these Islamic Fanatics say is in for a rude awakening. They are masters at deception, and will hand Obama his head on a plate. The best solution is regrime change, which can be accomplished by blocking badly needed shipments of gasoline from entering the Persian Gulf, resulting in an overthrow from within.
That sounds like something Dick Cheney would think up. And like most of Dick Cheney's ideas it would not be fully thought through with consideration given to the likely responses. Such a gasoline embargo is easily circumvented by the Russians who would profitably supply the Iranians all the gasoline they need. For some reason I have the distinct suspicion that the Putin may not be inclined to support such an American led embargo.
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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