Cheney's role in the CIA-Congress fight is a sideshow

Tue, 07/14/2009 - 4:20pm

By Dov Zakheim

There are several issues at play regarding the so-called secret CIA programs to target and kill al-Qaeda leadership. The first is whether the CIA should have told the Congress what it planned prior to actually fleshing out a complete program. One could argue that the Congress, or at least its senior leaders, should have been informed immediately upon the CIA's consideration of such an effort. But one could argue to the contrary that, until the program was fully formulated -- with the various legal, international, and other concerns fully resolved -- there was nothing to inform the Congress about. Indeed, one might assert that informing the Congress -- with the attendant risk of leaks -- would have damaged that CIA program prematurely, and, far more importantly, would have sullied America's reputation abroad on the basis of a hypothetical policy that might never have come into being. The proof of this latter consideration is that, in the end, the program never got off the ground.

As for Mr. Cheney, while the press delights in attacking him, and he appears to delight in goading the press, he should not be at the center of this issue. Rather, the debate should be about both whether the United States can and should even consider a program to kill those who wish to massacre thousands upon thousands of our citizens, and at what point in the process of formulating such a program the Congress should be informed.

Reasonable people can debate these issues. For my part, I feel that with respect to sensitive programs of this nature, the probability of a leak resulting from informing the Congress about them must be balanced against the likelihood of their actually being approved for execution. When a program's fate is highly in doubt, the risk of a leak is high, and the consequences of that leak certain to be highly damaging. Thus, it may be better to wait until the program is more fully defined before informing the Congress of its existence.

Ultimately, the question of whether to mark terrorists for death will not really go away until al-Qaeda and its copycat organizations are defeated. What Mr. Cheney may or may not have done nearly a decade ago is a sideshow in this debate, nothing more.

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Not a matter of assasination

To me it's not a matter of assasinations that causes concern, it's the fact that Cheney reportedly ordered that no member of Congress be told of it. The first problem is that I'm not certain that's legal though I could believe that. My second and far more pronounced concern is since when can the vice-president give that order? The powers of the vice-president are vague, but I don't remember anything about the intelligence community in there.

To me it's not a matter of

To me it's not a matter of assasinations that causes concern, it's the fact that Cheney reportedly ordered that no member of Congress be told of it.

Yes! So, say he told them not to tell Congress. Could he tell them "Do what needs to be done and don't tell me or anybody"?

They tell us now that they didn't actually do it, that they didn't report to Congress because there was nothing to report. Should we believe that? If it wasn't true, how would anybody find out?

Just hypothetically imagine that the CIA was ordered to lie to Congress. They might disobey that order. But if they did obey it, how would we find out?

Mr. Zakheim raises a very

Mr. Zakheim raises a very interesting point in Para 3 regarding whether or not the risk of a leak outweighs Congressional disclosure during certain stages of a program's conception/life. This concern highlights the inadequacy of the current Intel Reauth bill coming up, simply eliminating the Group of Eight or bringing in more people in no way strengthens oversight, it just diminishes responsibility and culpability. The more serious debate over what further responsibility over the intel community Congress should have is delayed, while recriminations and leaks are made available to a wider pool of players.

Jason