Monday, June 29, 2009 - 4:21 PM
By Peter Feaver
While
I am thinking about the intersection of personnel and policy, I wonder what to
make of this bit of news: apparently VP Biden will be tapped as the "unofficial
envoy to Iraq." This appears not to be the same role as that filled by General Lute,
President Bush's "Iraq czar" who was primarily responsible for knocking heads
together back in DC to help the mission overseas. Lute still remains (for
the time being) but his position has been downgraded several levels from an
Assistant to the President down to a Special Assistant to the President. And,
obviously, it is not the same position as the official envoy to Iraq,
Ambassador Chris Hill -- the President's personal civilian representative in
Baghdad -- although it sounds like it will overlap heavily with that position. Having someone at a senior level focused on Iraq makes sense and it does
not get much more senior than the Vice President. So on paper, at least,
this is not a bad idea. What concerns me is precisely what Rahm Emanuel
told Newsweek, namely that Biden "... knows the players...He brings a lot
of experience and expertise on this issue to the table..."
He
knows the players alright and, more to the point, the players know him.
What they know him best for is his prominent embrace of the Galbraith
plan
of a forced partition of Iraq into three parts -- one dominated by the Kurds in
the north, one dominated by the Shia in the south, and the remainder dominated
by the Sunnis. This plan was later picked up by Les Gelb and eventually
by then-Senator Biden.
By the time the presidential campaign was in full swing, the media was
calling it the Biden plan.
It certainly was a bold and strategic idea -- one might even call it
Churchillian.
Unfortunately, except for the Kurds -- for whom Galbraith was a long-time
advocate - it was not popular in the region. On the contrary, it was
viewed much the way that Churchill was viewed -- as colonialist meddling that
would plunge the region still further into war. Indeed, the terrorists
had claimed that the purpose of the US invasion of Iraq in the first place was
to divide up Iraq and grab its oil and so the Galbraith-Gelb-Biden plan may
have felt like a recruiting bonanza. I bet one could find jihadi websites
touting it as the secret "real plan" for Iraq. Of course, Vice President Biden is now
working for President Obama and President Obama has largely embraced the Bush
plan for Iraq
not the Galbraith plan. I have no reason to doubt VP Biden's current
commitment to this same plan which aims to make Iraq a unified and stable
partner. But I wonder if the famously conspiracy-minded folks in the
Middle East will have the same benign view or whether instead they will believe
that Biden will be seeking to implement partition. If their perceptions
veer off in that direction, transition policy in Iraq could get even tougher
than it is likely to be -- and that is more than tough enough.
This is a very good point given the type of rhetoric that will be flying around the Council of Representatives from now until the national elections. The shifting of conflict to a seemingly Arab-Kurd divide will allow for conspiracy theorists from both the Sunni and Shia parties to join in the fun as the VP engages on the same important issues the Galbraith plan sought to preempt (or avoid). Can you imagine the Iraqi papers if Biden, of all people, is the one giving speeches on Article 140 or the integration of towns from Ninawa or Diyala into KRG administration?
Also, the awarding of the contracts expected tomorrow (with the undeveloped field awards not too far off), will go a long ways to raising the pitch of the rhetoric over the summer.
Cheers,
Jason
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
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