Tuesday, April 21, 2009 - 1:17 PM
I first gained access to the OLC memos and learned details about CIA's program for high-value detainees shortly after the set of opinions were issued in May 2005. I did so as Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's policy representative to the NSC Deputies Committee on these and other intelligence/terrorism issues. In the State Department, Secretary Rice and her Legal Adviser, John Bellinger, were then the only other individuals briefed on these details. In compliance with the security agreements I have signed, I have never discussed or disclosed any substantive details about the program until the classified information has been released.
Having been the executive director of the 9/11 Commission, I'm aware of what some of these captives did. The Commission wondered how captives were questioned (for details on that, see this previously disclosed report), and the matter is now the subject of a federal criminal investigation by special prosecutor John Durham. Nonetheless, the evidence against most -- if not all -- of the high-value detainees remains damning. But the issue is not about who or what they are. It is about who or what we are.
Based on what had earlier been released, I have offered some general views on "Legal Policy for a Twilight War." With the release of these OLC memos, I can add three more sets of comments, each of which could be developed at much greater length.
1. The focus on water-boarding misses the main point of the program.
Which is that it was a program. Unlike the image of using intense physical coercion as a quick, desperate expedient, the program developed "interrogation plans" to disorient, abuse, dehumanize, and torment individuals over time.
The plan employed the combined, cumulative use of many techniques of medically-monitored physical coercion. Before getting to water-boarding, the captive had already been stripped naked, shackled to ceiling chains keeping him standing so he cannot fall asleep for extended periods, hosed periodically with cold water, slapped around, jammed into boxes, etc. etc. Sleep deprivation is most important.
2. Measuring the value of such methods should be done professionally and morally before turning to lawyers.
A professional analysis would not simply ask: Did they tell us important information? Congress is apparently now preparing to parse the various claims on this score -- and that would be quite valuable.
But the argument that they gave us vital information, which readers can see deployed in the memos just as they were deployed to reassure an uneasy president, is based on a fallacy. The real question is: What is the unique value of these methods?
For this analysis, the administration had the benefit of past U.S. government treatment of high-value detainees in its own history (especially World War II and Vietnam) and substantial, painful lessons from sympathetic foreign governments. By 2005, the Bush administration also had the benefit of what amounted to a double-blind study it had inadvertently conducted, comparing methods that had evolved in Iraq (different Geneva-based rules, different kinds of teams) and the methods the CIA had developed, with both sets being used to against hardened killers.
Opponents should not overstate their side either. Had a serious analysis been conducted beforehand (it apparently was not), my rough guess is that it might have found that physical coercion can break people faster, with some tradeoff in degraded and less reliable results.
Which underscores the importance of moral analysis. There is an elementary distinction, too often lost, between the moral (and policy) question -- "What should we do?" -- and the legal question: "What can we do?" We live in a policy world too inclined to turn lawyers into surrogate priests granting a form of absolution. "The lawyers say it's OK." Well, not really. They say it might be legal. They don't know about OK.
3. The legal opinions have grave weaknesses.
Weakest of all is the May 30 opinion, just because it had to get over the lowest standard -- "cruel, inhuman, or degrading" in Article 16 of the Convention Against Torture. That standard was also being codified in the bill Senator John McCain was fighting to pass. It is also found in Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, a standard that the Supreme Court ruled in 2006 does apply to these prisoners. Violation of Common Article 3 is a war crime under federal law (18 U.S.C. section 2441), a felony punishable by up to life imprisonment. (The OLC opinions do not discuss this law because in 2005 the administration also denied the applicability of Common Article 3.)
The OLC holds, rightly, that the United States complies with the international standard if it complies with the comparable body of constitutional prohibitions in U.S. law (the 5th, 8th, and 14th Amendments). Many years earlier, I had worked in that area of the law. I believed that the OLC opinions (especially the May 30 one) presented the U.S. government with a distorted rendering of relevant U.S. law.
At the time, in 2005, I circulated an opposing view of the legal reasoning. My bureaucratic position, as counselor to the secretary of state, didn't entitle me to offer a legal opinion. But I felt obliged to put an alternative view in front of my colleagues at other agencies, warning them that other lawyers (and judges) might find the OLC views unsustainable. My colleagues were entitled to ignore my views. They did more than that: The White House attempted to collect and destroy all copies of my memo. I expect that one or two are still at least in the State Department's archives.
Stated in a shorthand way, mainly for the benefit of other specialists who work these issues, my main concerns were:
The underlying absurdity of the administration's position can be summarized this way. Once you get to a substantive compliance analysis for "cruel, inhuman, and degrading" you get the position that the substantive standard is the same as it is in analogous U.S. constitutional law. So the OLC must argue, in effect, that the methods and the conditions of confinement in the CIA program could constitutionally be inflicted on American citizens in a county jail.
In other words, Americans in any town of this country could constitutionally be hung from the ceiling naked, sleep deprived, water-boarded, and all the rest -- if the alleged national security justification was compelling. I did not believe our federal courts could reasonably be expected to agree with such a reading of the Constitution.
Legal Policy for a Twilight War
In my quick read through your linked earlier comment, Legal Policy for a Twilight War, I find this:
"Brilliant lawyers worked hard on how they could then construe the limits of vague, untested laws. They were operating so close to the frontiers of our law that, within only a couple of years, the Department of Justice eventually felt obliged to offer a second legal opinion, rewriting their original views of the subject."
This seems all too generous to the lawyers involved, given that you were privy to the memos at the time you wrote that piece. Consider, for example, Scott Horton's observation that the 2002 memo's declaration that "there are no cases construing this statute" was deliberate obtuseness on the part of the authors.
How can your description above be a fair one in light of your own analysis as described in this post?
of you to raise the matter 4 years after the fact, when at the time you were in a position to perhaps have changed the proposed policy.
I think this article is quite brilliant and wonderful. But I'm wondering if Philip, based on his extensive experience, believes that this type of treatment does, or does not, yield critical information to safeguard America which, absent this type of treatment, would not be given.
In essence: Is this the only way to get real and useable information from these terrorists?
Cheney says yes, others in that Administration say yes; many say no.
But what does Philip say?
Thanks, Ken Adelman
Greetings from Wisconsin!
If it is you, I admire your willingness to admit error publicly on such important matters as you have done. I forget which issues you have changed views on and which not: torture, Iraq, etc. But I respect the willingness in any case. You should come to Madison to speak. I would like to hear what you have to say on any public matter you feel you want to address.
Michael Drew
Madison, WI
CIA actions in light of OLC reasoning and judgments
Trying to balance morally correct actions against the pull of strong emotions in the midst of conflict is extremely difficult and may require more personal courage, honesty, and integrity than could reasonably be mustered by most decision-makers.
But by accepting the role of a decision-maker in government one is called to exhibit the self-discipline to intellectually examine a potential decision and corresponding action through the lens of a well-formed conscience. That time spent in reflection upon the discrimination, proportionality, and military necessity (jus in bello) of the intended actions' effects should result in opportunity to temper the duration and scope of, if not prevent entirely, excursions from the norms of conduct that may be justified by lawyers but remain an affront to morality, human dignity, and our common values.
Were Bush Administration officials and CIA officers prosecuting their duties in a good faith effort to act in accordance to these guidelines for reasoning and judging? I hope they had true, justified belief in the credibility of the information they used to build their case for applying the interrogation programs and methods they chose and for the period of time they engaged in them. For if they did have that knowledge and a reasonable hope that proportional, discriminating acts of interrogation were necessary and sufficient to lead to actionable intelligence, I believe they acted in good faith and correspondingly, in his decisions regarding these cases, President Obama then acted in good faith as well.
"But by accepting the role of a decision-maker in government one is called to exhibit the self-discipline to intellectually examine a potential decision and corresponding action through the lens of a well-formed conscience."
SO, so many people fail to grasp this point. Bravo.
I have no problem with the torture used against slimeballs like Khalid Shaikh Mohammed and Muhammed Hussein abu Zubaida. The information we got resulted in successfully thwarting innurmerable attacks.
Some of Khalid's accomplishments include: planning the 9-11 attacks that killed 3,000 in New York, Washington DC and Pennsylvania, the first World Trade Center attack in 1993, the Operation Bojinka plot, an aborted 2002 attack on Los Angeles’ U.S. Bank Tower, the Bali nightclub bombings, the failed bombing of American Airlines Flight 63, the Millennium Plot, and the murder of Daniel Pearl.
I can’t seem to muster up a whole lot of angst over the CIA’s dunking of those slimy SOBs.
Until they were caught, they were in the process of killing as many infidels as possible for “Allah”.
I don’t give a damn if they have to force feed a terrorist an ocean full of water to get information.
The tactic works. It saves American lives.
Obama won’t prosecute anyone, because he can’t.
Several members of the Democratic Party knew about the interrogation methods, and Obama knows that if he allows prosecution he will have to release the classified information gleaned from the interrogations, which will prove they were successful. The whole attempt to blame Bush and denounce what turned out to be productive interrogations, will blow up in his face. An investigation would reveal just how many plots and attacks were prevented in this country, alone. Instead, he’ll try to politicize the intelligence because the truth would be inconvenient. Even a dunce like him can figure that out.
I hope the Bushies take the blame for when we get into a real war with a country that can defend itself and take prisoners, when that country decides to torture GIs to prevent attacks on their country.
Will the Bushies be supporting it then?
Will they go crying to the United Nations about Treaty violations instead?
Somehow, I think the Bushies feel this is a one-way street, and that only America has a justification to use torture to prevent attacks.
I feel sorry for the poor grunts that are going to be tortured in the future, with the rest of the world laughing at any mention of Treaty non-compliance because America did.
Fail to prosecute those responsible, and the end result is this.
Republicans have no morals, and their lack of morals (on any and every issue) has left America with zero moral standing in the world, and has provided the factual propaganda tools for the enemy.
did you forcefully advise her of your view of the legal opnions being used to justify these methods, and threaten to resign if she did not mount a sufficiently vigorous public and internal effort to change the policy? If not I don't see how we can conclude that you served her or us sufficiently.
A separate question: did you have a comparable position in Ms. Rice's staff when she was National Security Adviser to the one you had at State? Could you post your titles held in government and years held? Thank you.
Philip Zelikow's change of "heart"
Several times in my life, I have done something that was an essential and necessary part of my life. I traveled abroad when I was 11 and afterwards, I held two positions with the U.S. government, and through all of these events I swore an oath to uphold and protect the U.S. Constitution. How is it that the same individuals who worked for the same governmental office that I did, namely the U.S. Department of Justice, albeit not for 20 years as I did, took this same oath and held positions in the Office of Legal Counsel, CIA, FBI and NSA and either never took this oath or forgot it as soon as they lowered their right hand? If for no other reason they should be held legally accountable as the taking of this oath is a sworn statement made under U.S. law.
Furthermore, the assumption made that the torture of high-value detainees somehow yields information that "keeps Americans safe" is crap. Enough studies have shown that anyone being tortured provides what they believe their handler wants to hear, whether it is true or not, to stop the torture. If the U.S. can torture someone to obtain "valuable" information then by all means it is legal and well-past the time to waterboard Bush, et. al., and find out what exactly they were doing for the past eight years. If it is a legally permissible act--according to John Yee and the DOJ--then what is good for a detainee should be legal for a former sitting President and his cabinet aides.
Reverting to torture, it's frequently thought to believe the person in custody is known to have valuable information, and this information has to be forced out, since his possession of the information is proof of his guilt? My problem is that unless you have excellent intelligence to begin with, you will likely become engaged in developing baseline intelligence, and the person you are torturing may well know nothing at all.
The problem I have with torture is the information extracted still must be vetted to be useful at best, in extraordinary situations. That's why I believe the interrogators had a pretty good idea what their subject knew, but just wanted some fill in details and were being pushed for ever more.
At that point other traditional and proven techniques could have been used. These people didn't know when to back-off.
Scared Men Turned to Extreme Measures
When you don’t know what you need to know, you round up more than just "the usual suspects." Throw in torture as a collection tool, it becomes indiscriminate as well. As an intell analyst you're prepared to follow many false leads, and when your methodology includes torture, you'll be torturing people with little to tell you, or they've told you all they have, and start inventing stories to satisfy you.
Additionally, torture applied by anyone other than well trained, experienced personnel (who are in exceptionally short supply it would seem) will only compound these problems, and make the practice less productive.
On the scale of human cruelty I've witnessed in my life, these techniques don't rise to the top. But all the same, they weren't necessary after a certain time frame - if they ever were to begin with.
Frankly, accept with reservation the reports of scared men.
Al Qaeda operative Abu Zubaydah was subjected to waterboarding 83 times in August 2002. Khalid Sheikh Mohamed was subjected to waterboarding 183 times in March 2003.
Momentarily ignoring my own opinions on the practice of torture, and ignoring my harsh opinions on these two men, if waterboarding is effective, why did it need to be done 266 times? If it needs to be done that many times, it doesn't seem to be as effective as the administration at the time claims it to be. That being said, I understand that waterboarding is just one aspect of the 'intelligence gathering program'.
I believe "183" is the number of drips they counted; KSM experienced 5 waterboarding sessions (I think he said as much himself, if I remember).
Indeed, having now released the Beast from it's cell - imprisoned there with so much effort and anguish - how can we return it and make it harmless? Maybe it never really was so, but good people expected their leaders to do honor to the notion.
Now all of us are in peril. Who can refuse the authorities demands now? To do so is to imperial one's own life - and perhaps those of family and friends as well.
Far fetched? I wish it were...
OT
Shadow Government is a blog about U.S. foreign policy under the Obama administration, written by experienced policy makers from the loyal opposition and curated by Peter D. Feaver and William Inboden.
Read More
(15)
SHOW COMMENTS LOGIN OR REGISTER REPORT ABUSE